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TI W Mon! YDI I. This last has disappeared, though its fluUsUlite survives m the remodelled Panchatantray and. The period of the Spanish render- ing is hard to determine exactly, but 1 is the generally accepted date, and its vogue is proved by the use made of it by Raimond de B6ziers in his Latin version The value of the Spanish lies in the excellence of the narrative manner, and in its reduction of the oriental apologue to terras of the ver- nacular.

Translation is continued at the court of Alfonso's son and successor, Sanchq-IV, d. But that it was used by the Spanish trans- lator has been amply demonstrated by M.

Gaston Paris. In dealing with these works it is impossible to speak precisely as to source and date : the probability is that they.

This production, disfigured by the ostentatious erudition of the Middle Ages, is saved from death by its shrewd common-sense, by its practical counsel, and by tl je-.

Ilde- phonsus , a dry narrative of over a thousand lines, pro- bably written soon after , when the saint's feast was instituted by the Council of Peftafiel.

Its author declares that he once held the prebend of tTbeda, and that he had previously rhymed the history of the Mag- dalen. No other information concerning him exists ; nor is it eagerly sought, for the Prebendary's poem is a colourless imitation of Berceo, without Berceo's visitings of inspiration.

More merit is shown in the Proverbios en Rimo de SalomSn Solomon's Rhymed Proverbs , moralisings on the vanity of life, written, with many variations, in the manner of Berceo.

The author of these didactic, satiric verses is announced in the oldest manuscript copy as one Pero G6mez, son of Juan Fer- nandez.

The language is correct Castilian of the time, and the metre, sustained for stanzas, is the right Bercean : the peculiarity lies in the use of Arabic characters in the phonetic transcription.

A considerable mass of such compositions has been discovered and in the discovery England has taken part ; but of them all the Historia de Yusuf is at once the best and earliest.

It deals with the story of Joseph in Egypt, not accord- ing to the Old Testament narrative, but in general con- formity with the version found in the eleventh sura of the Ku'ran, though the writer does not hesitate to intro- duce variants and amplifications of his own invention, as stanza 31 when the wolf speaks to the patriarch whose son it is supposed to have slain.

The persecution of Joseph by Potiphar's wife, who figures as Zulija Zulei- kah , is told with considerable spirit, and the mastery of the cuadema via the Bercean metre of four fourteen- syllabled lines rhymed together is little short of amazing in a foreigner.

There could scarcely be more striking evidence of the irresistible progress of Castilian modes of thought and expression. The Arabic influence, if it ever existed, was Iready dead.

A line in his Libro de Cantares stanza inclines us to believe that, like Cervantes, he was a native of Alcald de Henares ; but Guadalajara also claims him for her own, and a certain Francisco de Torres reports him as living there so late as 5.

This date is incompatible with other ascertained facts in Ruiz' career. We learn from a note at the end of his poems that " this is the book of the Archpriest of Hita, which he wrote, being im- prisoned by order of the Cardinal Don G il, Archbishop of Toledo.

He stifies against himself with a splendid candour ; and et there have been critics who insisted on idealising I jthis libidinous clerk into a smug Boanerges.

The Archpriest was a fellow of parts and of infinite fancy. He does, indeed, allege that he supplies, "in- centives to good conduct, injunctions towards salvation, to be understanded of the people and to enable folk to guard against the trickeries which some practise in pursuit of foolish loves.

John, Job, Cato, St. To dis- tinguish the works of the clerkly masters, to declare with certainty that this Castilian piece was written by Alfonso and that by Sancho, is a difficult and hazardous matter.

Nay, he does more. His famous descrip- tion of the tent of love is manifestly suggested by the description of Alexander's tent in the Libra de Alexandre.

The entire episode of Dofia Endrina is paraphrased from the Liber de Amorey attributed to the Pseudo-Ovid, the Auvergnat monk who hides beneath the name of Pamphilus Maurilianus.

Vastas his reading was, it had availed him notMng without his stiperb temperament, Eiis gift of using it to effect. Vaster still was his knowledge of men, his acquaintance with the seamy side of life, his interest in things common and rare, his observation of manners, and his lyrical endow- ment.

His ambi- tion is, not to idealise, but to realise existence, and he interprets its sensuous animalism in the spirit of pica- resque enjoyment.

Jewesses, Moorish dancers, the procuress Trota-conventoSy her finicking customers, the loose nuns, great ladies, and brawny daughters of the plough, — Ruiz renders them with the merciless exactitude of Velizquez.

The arrangement of Ruiz' verse, disorderly as his life, foreshadows the loose construction of the picaresque novel, of which his own work may be considered the first example.

One of his greatest discoveries is t he rare value le autobio graphic form. Poet, novelist, expert in observa- tion, irony, and travesty, Ruiz had, moreover, the sense of style in such measure as none before him and few after him, and to this innate faculty of selection he joined a great capacity for dramatic creation.

Hence the im- possibility of exhibiting him in elegant extracts, and hence the permanence of his types. The most familiar figure of Lazarillo de Tormes — the starving gentleman — is a lineal descendant of Ruiz' Don Fur6n, who is scru- pulous in observing facts so long as there is nothing to eat ; and Ruiz' two lovers, Mel6n de la Uerta and Endrina de Calatayud, are transferred as Calisto and Melibea to Rojas' tragi-comedy, whence they pass into immortality as Romeo and Juliet.

Lastly, Ruiz' repute might be staked upon his fables, which, by their ironic apprecia- tion, their playful wit and humour, seem to proceed from an earlier, ruder, more virile La Fontaine.

Ferdinand and nephew of Alfonso J he Learned. Mariana's denunciation of '' him who seemed born solely to wreck the state" fits Juan Manuel so exactly that it is commonly applied to him ; but, in truth, its author in- tended it for another Don Juan without the ''Manuel" , uncle of the boy-king, Alfonso XI.

Upon the regency followed a spell of wars, broils, rebellions, assassinations, wherein King and ex-Regent were pitted against each other.

In the General Introduction to his works he foresees, so he announces, that his books must be often copied, and he knows that this means error: — ''as I have seen happen in other copies, either because of the transcriber's dulness, or because the letters are much alike.

And he closes his General Introduction with this prayer : — " And I beg all those who may read any of the books I made not to blame me for whatever ill-written thing they find, until they see it in this volume which I myself have arranged.

The loss of the Book of Verses is a real calamity ; all the more that it existed at Peftafiel as recently as the time of Argote de Molina , who meant to publish it.

A treatise like his Libro de Caza Book of Hawking , recently recovered by Professor Baist, needs but to be mentioned to indicate its aim. His histories are mere epitomes of Alfonso's chronicle.

The Libro dei. Caballero et del Escudero Book of the Knight and Squire , in fifty-one chapters, of which some thirteen are missing, is a didacticism,?

A hermit who has abandoned war instructs an ambitious squire in the virtues of chivalry, and sends him to court, whence he returns "with much wealth and honour.

In some sort the Tratado sobre las Armas Treatise on Arms is a memoir of the writer's house, containing a powerful presentation of the death of Juan Manuel's guardian.

King Sancho, passing to eternity beneath his father's curse. He repro- duces Sancho's excellent manner and sound practical advice without the flaunting erudition of his cousin.

The Castigos are suspended to supply the monk, Juan Alfonso, with a treatise on the Modes of Love, fifteen in number ; being, in fact, an ingenious discussion on friend- ship.

The allegorical didactic vein is worked to exhaustion in one hundred and fifty chapters, which relate the education of the pagan Morovan's son, Johas, by a certain Turfn, who, unable to satisfy his pupil, calls to his aid the celebrated preacher Julio.

After interminable discussions and resolutions of theo- logical difficulties, the story ends in the baptism of father, son, and tutor.

Dominic who, as a matter of fact, died before Juan Manuel's father was born. This confused philosophic story, suggestive of the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat, is in truth the vehicle for conveying the author's ideas on every sort of question, and it might be described without injustice as the carefully revised commonplace book of an omni- vorous reader with a care for form.

A postscript to the Book of States is the Book of Preaching Friars y a summary of the Dominican constitution expounded by Julio to his pupil.

A very similar dissertation is the Treatise showing that the Blessed Mary is, body and soul y in Paradise , directed to Rem6n Masquefa, Prior of Peftafiel.

The convention of the " moral lesson " is maintained, and each chapter of the First Part the others are rather un- finished notes ends with a declaration to the effect that "when Don Johan heard this example he found it good, ordered it to be set down in this book, and added these verses" — the verses being a concise summary of the prose.

Boccaccio used the frame- work first in Italy, but Juan Manuel was before him by six years, for the Conde Lucanor was written not later than The examples are taken from experience, and are told with extraordinary narrative skill.

Simplicity of theme is matched by simplicity of expression. He lacks the merri- ment, the genial wit of the Archpriest ; but he has the same gift of irony, with an added note of cutting sarcasm, and a more anxious research for the right word.

In mind as in blood he is the great Alfonso's kinsman, and the relation becomes evident in his treat- ment of the prose sentence.

He inherited it with many another splendid tradition, and, while he preserves entire its stately clearness, he polishes to concision ; he sets with conscience to the work, sharpening the edges of his instrument, exhibits its possibilities in the way of trenchancy, and puts it to subtler uses than heretofore.

In his hands Castilian prose acquires a new ductility and finish, and his subjects are such that dramatists of genius have stooped to borrow from him.

Pilferings by Le Sage are things of course, and Gil Bias benefits by its author's reading. Translations apart — and they are forthcoming — the Conde Lucanor is one of the books of the world, and each reading of it makes more sensible the loss of the verses which, one would fain believe, might place the writer as high among poets as among prose writers.

That King's sole exploit in literature is a handbook on venery, often attributed to Alfonso the Learned. It is to be noted that he speaks of rendering Merlin's prophecy in the Castilian tongue : — " Yo Rodrigo Yannes la noti En lenguaje castellafio" Everything points to his having translated from a Galician original, being himself a Galician who hispaniolised his name of Rodrigo Eannes.

Strong arguments in favour of this theory are advanced by great authorities — Pro- fessor Cornu, and that most learned lady, Mme. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos.

In the first place, the many technical defects of the Poema vanish upon translation into Galician ; and next, the verses are laced with allu- sions to Merlin, which indicate a familiarity with Breton legends, common enough in Galicia and Portugal, but absolutely unknown in Spain.

Be that as it prove, the Poema interests as the last expression of the old Castilian epic. His last appearance on any stage is marked by a portent — the suppression of the tedious Alexandrine, and the resolution into two lines of the sixteen-syllabled verse, Yaftez is an excellent instance of the third-rate man, the amateur, who embodies, if he does not initiate, a revolution.

His own system of octosyllabics in alter- nate rhymes has a sing-song monotony which wearies by its facile copiousness, and inspiration visits him at SEM TOB 87 rare and distant intervals.

But the step that costs is taken, and a place is prepared for the young romance in literature. The moral is pressed with insistence, the presentation is haphazard ; while the extreme con- cision of thought, the exaggerated frugality of words, tends to obscurity.

Against this is to be set the exalted standard of the teaching, the daring figures of the writer, his happiness of epithet, his note of austere melancholy, and his complete triumph in naturalising a new poetic genre.

In the case of the anonymous Danza de la Muerte the metre once more fixes the period of composition at about the end of the fourteenth century.

It is not rash to assume that its immediate occasion was the last terrific outbreak of the Black Death, which lasted from to Death bids mankind to his revels, and forces them to join his dance.

The form is superficially dramatic, and the thirty-three victims — pope, emperor, cardinal, king, and so forth, a cleric and a layman always alternating — reply to the summons in a series of octaves.

Whoever composed the Spanish version, he must be accepted as an expert in the art of morbid allegory.

A writer who represents the stages of the literary evo- lution of his age is the long-lived Chancellor, Pero L6pez DE Ayala His career is a veritable romance of feudalism.

Living under Alfonso XL, he became the favourite of Pedro the Cruel, whom he deserted at the psychological moment. He chronicles his own and his AY ALA 89 father's defection in such terms as Pepys or the Vicar of Bray might use: — "They saw that Don Pedro's affairs were all awry, so they resolved to leave him, not intend- ing to return.

Loyalty he held for a vain thing compared with interest ; yet he earned his money and his lands in fight. He ever strove to be on the winning side, but luck was hostile when the Black Prince captured him at Ndjera , and when he was taken prisoner at Aljubarrota The fifteen months spent in an iron cage at the castle of Oviedes after the second defeat gave Ayala one of his opportunities.

He had wasted no chance in life, nor did he now. It were pleasant to think with Ticknor that some part of Ayala's Rimado de Palacio " was written during his imprisonment in England," — pleasant, but difficult.

To begin with, it is by no means sure that Ayala ever quitted the Penin- sula. More than this : though the Rimado de Palacio was composed at intervals, the stages can be dated approxi- mately.

The earlier part of the poem contains an allu- sion to the schism during the pontificate of Urban VI.

Rimado de Palacio Court Rhymes is a chance title that has attached itself to Ayala's poem without the author's sanction. It gives a false impression of his theme, which is the decadence of his age.

Only within narrow limits does Ayala deal with courts and courtiers ; he had a wider outlook, and he scourges society at large.

Ruiz had a natural sympathy for a loose-living cleric ; Ayala lashes this sort with a thong steeped in vitriol.

The one looks at life as a farce ; the other sees it as a tragedy. Where the first finds matter for merriment, the second burns with the white indignation of the just.

The deliberate mordancy of Ayala is impartial insomuch as it is universal. Courtiers, statesmen, bishops, lawyers, merchants — he brands them all with corruption, simony, embezzlement, and exposes them as venal sons of Belial.

And, like Ruiz, he places himself in the pillory to heighten his effects. He spares not his superstitious belief in omens, dreams, and such-like fooleries ; he dis- covers himself as a grinder of the poor man's face, a libidinous perjurer, a child of perdition.

But not all Ayala's poem is given up to cursing. In his th stanza he closes what he calls his sermSn with the confession that he had written it, "being sore afflicted by many grievous sorrows," and in the re- maining stanzas Ayala breathes a serener air.

In both existing codices — that of Campo-Alange and that of the Escorial — this huge postscript follows the Rimado de Palacio with no apparent break of continuity; yet it differs in form and substance from what precedes.

The cuaderna via alone is used in the satiric and auto- biographical verses ; the later hymns and songs are metrical experiments — echoes of Galician and Provencal measures, redondillas of seven syllables, attempts to raise the Alexandrine from the dead, results derived from Alfonso's Cantigas and Juan Ruiz' loores.

In his seventy-third year Ayala was still working upon his Rimado de Palacio. Gregory's Job, If he be the writer of the Pro- verbios en Rimo de SalomSn — a doubtful point — his pre- ference for the old system is there undisguised.

Could that system have been saved, Ayala had saved it : not even he could stay the world from moving. Därefter följde utbildningssektorn 96 pers , handelsbranschen 92 pers , byggnadsbranschen 73 pers , primärnäringarna 68 pers och transportbranschen 59 pers.

Työtä tekevän väestön lukumäärä Sulvalla oli vuonna henkeä. Koska työpaikkojen määrä kylässä kasvoi , tarkoittaa tämä että monet asukkaat käyvät töissä muualla, etupäässä Vaasassa.

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Rakennussektori tarjoaa töitä monille sulvalaisille. Församlings- och föreningsliv spelar en viktig roll i byasamhället.

Föreningarna stärker samhörigheten i byn och den karakteriseras ofta av ideell verksamhet och talkoanda. Seurakunta- ja yhdistystoiminnalla on tärkeä rooli kyläyhteisössä.

Sulvan yhdistykset ovat merkittäviä, koska niiden toiminta sitouttaa ja aktivoi niin nuoria kuin vanhojakin.

Yhdistykset vahvistavat kylän yhteenkuuluvuuden tunnetta, jota voitaisiin luonnehtia voittoa tavoittelemattomaksi ja talkoohenkiseksi. Hyviä esimerkkejä tästä ovat koulun viereen keskustaan rakennettu maauimala sekä urheilutuvan hiihtolatu.

Sulvalla toimii useita yhdistyksiä ja vapaa-ajan toimintaa on runsaasti. Osa yhdistyksistä toimii samalla myös tärkeinä yhteiskunnallisen vaikuttamisen väylinä.

Övriga aktörer, som har verksamhet i Solf: Muut Sulvalla sijaitsevat toimijat: Helsingbykören Korsholms 4H Korsholms vuxeninstitut Korsholms musikinstitut.

Kyselyn yhteenveto Keväällä Sulvan kylätoimikunta suoritti kyselyn sulvalaisten keskuudessa selvitääkseen millä tavoin he haluaisivat Sulvan kehittyvän tulevien vuosikymmenten aikana.

Vastauksista annettiin ruotsin ja 36 suomen kielellä. Valtaosa vastauksista tuli vuotiailta. Solfborna tycker i stort sett att inflyttningstakten är lämplig.

Sulvalaiset pitävät muuttotahtia kylään sopivana. Joissakin vastauksissa toivottiin, että Sulvalle tulevien muuttovirtojen tulisi levittäytyä kyliin.

Palveluiden toimivuutta pidettiin tärkeänä. He, jotka suhtautuvat kriittisimmin muuttovirtaan, ovat huolissaan kylän luonteen muutoksista tai vahingosta ja ilkivallasta.

Toiset esittivät huolensa ympäristön ja metsästysmaiden tilasta ja vastustavat näiden tuhoamista.

Vad gäller boendeformer är det radhus och egnahemshus som byborna vill se i Solf, 74 respektive 73 av dem som svarade föredrar dessa.

Fler gruppbo-. Suurin osa vastanneista toivoi kasvun tapahtuvan keskustassa ja reuna-alueilla. Osa piti keskustaa nyt jo liian ahtaana, kun taas toiset toivoivat asukaskeskittymää nimenomaan keskustaan ja vanhojen taloryhmien alueelle.

Reuna-alueiden kasvun puolestapuhujat haluavat pitää ympäröivän alueen elävänä. Rivitalot ja omakotitalot olivat suosituimpia asumismuotoja; 74 ja 73 vastanneista kannatti näitä.

Jotkut olivat sitä mieltä että kerrostalo sopisi keskustaan, kun toiset När Solf ska utvecklas vill de flesta att en hälsostation i centrum samt serviceboende för äldre ska prioriteras.

De flesta vill att det ska byggas fler hyresbostäder för de äldre. Andra förslag är lokalhistoriskt arkiv, företagshotell eller allaktivitetshus.

Vanhuksille toivottiin useampia yhteisasuntoja tai palvelutaloja. Kyselyyn vastanneet kertoivat arvostavansa Sulvalla kaikkein eniten asuinympäristöä, seutua, ympäristöä ja maalaismaisemaa.

Sulvalaiset pitivät niin ikään sopivien asuntojen saatavuutta, maaseututunnelmaa ja sosiaaliturvaa tärkeinä asioina. Sign Up Log In.

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